This post is part two of a two-part essay on equitable growth in Latin America. For part one, click here. The combined piece has been featured by the Washington Center for Equitable Growth.
In spite of the many obstacles, there have been signs of hope in Latin America for equitable growth in the last decade. The region’s economy has grown at about 4% annually over the last ten years, and, in several high profile cases, also managed to reduce measured inequality. So is Fajnzylber’s box still empty? His original table was calculated in a rather crude way. High growth was considered anything over a 2.4% annual increase in GDP, the developed world average over the previous two decades at the time of his writing. His measurement of inequality was based on the ratio of the income share of the poorest 40% of the population to the richest 10%—a calculation that did not account for relative increases or decreases in inequality. At the time, the developed world average was 0.8 – that is, the lower 40% had combined income equal to 80% of the richest 10%. Fajnzylber’s standard for Latin American inequality was, arbitrarily, half of that measure: a ratio of 0.4. His results in 1990 were as follows:
In spite of the many obstacles, there have been signs of hope in Latin America for equitable growth in the last decade. The region’s economy has grown at about 4% annually over the last ten years, and, in several high profile cases, also managed to reduce measured inequality. So is Fajnzylber’s box still empty? His original table was calculated in a rather crude way. High growth was considered anything over a 2.4% annual increase in GDP, the developed world average over the previous two decades at the time of his writing. His measurement of inequality was based on the ratio of the income share of the poorest 40% of the population to the richest 10%—a calculation that did not account for relative increases or decreases in inequality. At the time, the developed world average was 0.8 – that is, the lower 40% had combined income equal to 80% of the richest 10%. Fajnzylber’s standard for Latin American inequality was, arbitrarily, half of that measure: a ratio of 0.4. His results in 1990 were as follows:
Fajnzylber’s original “empty box” table, 1990
High growth
|
Low growth
|
|
High equity
|
Argentina, Uruguay
|
|
Low equity
|
Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Panama,
Dominican Republic
|
Bolivia, Chile, Peru, Venezuela, Haiti, Costa Rica, El
Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua
|
Using data from the World Bank, I recreated Fajnzylber’s
table, using the most current statistics available and the same criteria that
he established. Given the reputation that the Latin American economies have had
over the last few years, the results are perhaps surprising:
Updating Fajnzylber’s table, with current data
High growth
|
Low growth
|
|
High equity
|
||
Low equity
|
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,
Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama,
Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela
|
El Salvador
|
Every country with available data in the region has grown by
more than a 2.4% annual rate over the last decade with the exception of El
Salvador. But there are no countries that meet Fajnzylber’s standard for
relative equality left in Latin America. Indeed, to re-run his numbers is to
confront a world changed by inequality, for there are few countries in the
world left that meet the standard he established twenty-five years ago. His
developed world average had been a ratio of 0.8; now the world’s best
performers on that metric are the Scandinavian countries and a few places in
Eastern Europe, hovering around 0.6. Canada and France today barely meet his
lowered-expectations standard for Latin America in 1990, at 0.4. The United
States has a ratio of 0.23, and the Latin American countries are terrible
performers: Uruguay and Nicaragua are the only countries over 0.2; Mexico’s
ratio is 0.184, Argentina’s is 0.156, Venezuela’s is 0.152, Chile’s is 0.140 and
many are below 0.1, including Brazil at 0.093, Guatemala at 0.089, and Bolivia
at 0.046.
Plainly, by using an absolute
standard of inequality rather than one that measures the rate of change, this
data does not register the progress that some Latin American countries have
made in reducing equality over the last decade. To address this, I’ve produced
a modified table, using the same growth standard but looking at change in the
countries’ Gini indexes over time. Most Latin American countries had a local
maximum in their Gini index between 1998 and 2002, and almost all have reached
a local minimum in the last year or two. If we take a significant decline in
inequality to be a peak to trough reduction in Gini index of 4 points over
those ten years, this is the table that results.[1]
A rate-of-change accounting of growth and inequality fills the empty
box
High growth
|
Low growth
|
|
Significant decline in inequality (>4 points)
|
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Dominican Republic,
Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, Panama, Peru
|
El Salvador
|
Small decline in inequality
|
Chile, Costa Rica, Uruguay
|
The story embedded in the data is clear: working from an
extremely poor starting point, the experience of most of Latin America has been
one of strong and equitable growth over the last decade. The principal reasons
that this has been possible are clear enough. Rapid growth in Asia has kept
commodity prices high, and Latin America, though now also the producer of many
types of sophisticated manufactured goods, remains a major exporter of raw and
semi-finished goods. At the same time, most of the region has been ruled by
left and center-left governments that have made improving the lives of the poor
among their highest priorities. This has taken many forms. Venezuela’s has been
the most polarizing: both nationally and internationally, judgments on the
effectiveness of the social missions and the economic management of Venezuela’s
government allow for little middle ground. In the last decade or so, the
poverty rate has been cut in half, from more than 60% of the population to
around 30%. But excessive oil dependence, shortages of basic goods, increasing
violence, and the recent imposition of price controls suggest that, at best,
Venezuela’s economy could have been managed much better than it has been, and,
at worst, may be following a classic pattern of populist spending that may be
lead to future adjustment that will come at a high cost, both politically and
economically.[2]
Most of the
region, however, has used more conventional macroeconomic management, and,
somewhat in the manner that President Obama did with the health care industry,
compromised with powerful economic interests in the pursuit of broader goals. Brazil’s
ascent, under its charming president Lula da Silva and his successor Dilma
Roussef, has been so spectacular that the old joke that “Brazil is the country
of the future, and always will be,” no longer seems to hold. But other
countries have had even more impressive statistical progress. Ecuador has
knocked more than ten points off its Gini index, while Panama has grown at more
than 8% annually over the last decade.
How then
should progress be maintained and extended? There are already some signs of
trouble. In Brazil, for example, once-rapid growth has slowed to a trickle;
Mexico, frequently championed as one of the world’s great emerging economies, is
on the verge of outright recession. And though much of the region has been
governed by the left in the last decade, significant redistribution remains rare.
There are signature anti-poverty programs, like Oportunidades in Mexico and
Bolsa Família in Brazil, that give conditional cash grants in exchange for
behaviors like children’s school attendance. But these progressive policies are
mixed in with a huge amount of regressive government spending. The budget for
Oportunidades in Mexico, for example, is dwarfed by the cost of regressive
energy subsidies.[3] Tax
collection as a percentage of GDP has increased modestly, but remains meager.
As a result, major Latin American economies do almost nothing to reduce their
levels of measured inequality through taxes and transfers. European countries
knock 19 points off their Gini indexes through taxation and redistribution;
Latin America only 2 points. Pre- and post-tax Gini indexes are virtually
identical for the region’s major economies.[4]
The hopeful reading of that situation is that there are huge
benefits to be gained from relatively straightforward welfare-enhancing
programs and the elimination of regressive subsidies, and there is ample room
for both growth and the reduction in poverty to follow. The pessimistic reading
of the situation is that the last ten years have been among the most propitious
in Latin American history for equitable growth, and much more probably should
have been delivered. It remains to be seen whether the political systems of
societies that remain grossly unequal will be able to make further progress in
the decades to come.
[1] In
a few cases, there is insufficient data to make a clear determination.
Guatemala’s most recent year is 2006; Venezuela peaked in 2005 and troughed in
2006 and lacks subsequent data. The CIA Gini index, which is considered less
reliable than the World Bank’s, now has Venezuela’s Gini as the lowest of
measurable Latin American countries, so it would probably belong in the high
growth, significant decline box as well.
[2]
See Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards,
eds., The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1991).
[3]
John Scott Andretta, “¿Quién se beneficia de los subsidies energéticos en
México?” in Carlos Elizondo Mayer-Serra and Ana Laura Magaloni Kerpel (eds.), Uso y abuso de los recursos públicos,
Mexico, CIDE, 2012.
[4]
The data is from 2008. The chart comes from the OECD report, “Latin American
Economic Outlook 2012,” http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/development/latin-american-economic-outlook-2012_leo-2011-en
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